The religious and loyal subject's duty considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution / A sermon preached in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, on Wednesday, January 30, 1722-3
Date: 2015-02-23T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Church of England -- Sermons; Sermons; English -- 18th century; Government; Resistance to -- Religious aspects -- Christianity; Charles I; King of England; 1600-1649 -- Anniversaries; etc.; Bible. Proverbs XXIV; 21 -- Sermons

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Title: The religious and loyal subject's duty considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution

Author: Isaac Terry

Release date: February 23, 2015 [eBook #48349]

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE RELIGIOUS AND LOYAL SUBJECT'S DUTY CONSIDERED: WITH REGARD TO THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT AND THE REVOLUTION ***

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The Religious and Loyal Subject's Duty considered, with regard to the present Government and the Revolution.

A
SERMON
Preached in the
Cathedral Church
OF
CANTERBURY,
ON
Wednesday, January 30. 1722-3.
Being the
Anniversary Fast
Of the Martyrdom of
K. CHARLES I.

Published at the Request of the Prebendaries then present.

By ISAAC TERRY, M. A.
Late of Christ-Church, Oxon.

LONDON:
Printed for R. Knaplock, at the Bishop's-Head in
St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1723.

Prov. xxiv. 21.
My son, fear thou the Lord, and the King: and meddle not with them that are given to change.

THERE is no need that I should acquaint any who are here present with the sad occasion of this anniversary solemnity; nor need I, I suppose, use many words to raise in you a just abhorrence of that most execrable parricide, which we are now bewailing. To be sure we do all of us, from the very bottom of our hearts, detest and abominate it; unless we have been all this while in this holy place prevaricating with God and man, and adding a feigned humiliation to the number of our former provocations.

As it ought to be the earnest prayer and endeavour of all good men and loyal subjects, that no such wickedness may hereafter be committed among us, to the reproach of our nation, and of the holy Religion which we profess: so is it particularly incumbent on the ministers of the Gospel, to press upon men the due observation of those laws, which the most high hath enacted for the security and support of his vice-gerents on earth; and to caution men against those pernicious principles and practices, which in the last age brought a most excellent and gracious Monarch to the block; and quite overthrew our constitution in church and state: and which in all ages, if a timely stop be not put to them, will produce the like tragical effects, as having a natural tendency to subvert government, and to introduce anarchy and confusion amongst mankind.

For which reason I have chosen for the subject of my following discourse, this solemn charge of the wise King Solomon to his Son; My son, fear thou the Lord and the King: and meddle not with them that are given to change. In which words are bound upon us three rules of life, very necessary to be observed by all who would not be deemed enemies to the publick peace and tranquility.

The first is, To fear the Lord.

The second is, To fear the King.

The third is, Not to meddle with those that are given to change.

Of each of these injunctions I shall discourse in order, and shall shew in what latitude, and with what restrictions, they are to be understood; how highly reasonable they are, and of how great importance to the preservation of human society, and the maintenance of the magistrate's authority.

The fear of God is a duty equally obliging persons of all ranks and conditions, at all times, and in all places; and in its full extent comprehends all other duties. It has for its foundation, all the glorious attributes and perfections of God; but more especially his omniscience, his holiness, his justice, and his almighty power. For they who are firmly persuaded, that all their actions, and words, and thoughts, are open to the view of the Deity; that [A]he is of purer eyes than to behold evil with approbation, and cannot endure to look on iniquity; that he will one day judge all men in righteousness according to their works; and that the united force of all the creatures of the universe cannot hinder him from executing the terrible sentence which he shall then pass upon the transgressors of his laws; they who do, in good earnest, believe these things to be true, and frequently and seriously consider them, will of course be very careful not to incur the displeasure of the Almighty, by doing those things which he hath forbidden, or by neglecting to do what he hath commanded. Hence, in Scripture, the fear of God is often used to signify the whole of Religion: because in all who live under the influence of it, it is a very powerful principle of constant and uniform obedience to the divine laws.

[A] Hab. i. 13.

The fear of the King too comprehends the whole duty of a subject to his soveraign. To fear the King is, to yeild to him that homage, and submission, and obedience, which the laws of God, and of the land, do require: chearfully to contribute towards the supporting his royal honour and dignity, and the supplying the necessities of the state; to labour every one of us in our own sphere to defeat the expectations and contrivances of his enemies, and to promote the peace of his government, and the success of his designs; and continually to pray to him who disposeth of all events, to protect his person, to direct his counsels, and prosper his undertakings; to demean our selves towards him with profound reverence, to speak honorably of him, to think of him with aw, to entertain the most favourable opinion of his character, and to put the best construction upon his actions; and finally, to render due honour and obedience to all inferior magistrates and officers, who act by his commission, and in subordination to him.

The reasonableness and necessity of all this, will appear by shewing, that nothing less than this, will fully answer the ends of government; and that the contrary practices are very injurious to the authority of princes, and do tend to the disturbance and dissolution of society.

Government it is clear cannot subsist, where there are none who will submit to be governed, and own their dependance upon their governours: there can be no soveraign, where there are no subjects; no commanders, where none will obey.

To call any one King, and at the same time to rebel against his authority, what is this but to mock him with an empty title? And it is nearly the same case, when subjects, though they do not take up arms against their soveraign, do withdraw from him those supplies without which his government cannot be upheld.

In the natural body all the members, even those which are esteemed the most ignoble and inconsiderable, do their office for the preservation and well being of the whole: and in the political it is as fitting that all the members, even those which are in a private station, should, as their circumstances will allow them, exert themselves for the security and prosperity of the whole community. The protection which the authority of the magistrate affords to all, lays an obligation upon all to unite in the defence of it against the attempts of its enemies, which sometimes can no otherwise be repelled than by the united endeavours of all. It gives great encouragement to the adversaries of a state to observe, that those who do not side with them, are not very hearty and diligent against them. The government that is negligently defended, will quickly be vigorously assaulted; and with too great probability of success, when even its friends shew no other mark of friendship to it, than the forbearing to join with its enemies.

The obstructions and difficulties, with which the management of the publick affairs is necessarily attended, are so many and so great, that the soveraign has need of all the assistance his subjects can lend him for the removing them. Should they industriously lay unnecessary ones in his way, his designs for their safety and benefit, must in all likelyhood miscarry.

They who can be helpful no other way, have surely great reason to sollicit heaven, to guard, and guide, and assist those who are continually watching for their welfare. And since without the divine aid all human counsels and labours are vain; they who can be most serviceable to their soveraign by their wisdom, or valour, or treasure, must by no means think themselves excused from assisting him by their earnest and constant prayers. And if those, who barely omit this duty, are not to be accounted good subjects; they are certainly very bad ones, who dare to imprecate the judgments of heaven upon their governours.

Irreverent carriage to the person of the prince, and the speaking contemptuously and dishonourably of him, have a direct tendency to lessen his people's veneration for him, which is a main prop of his government. The speaking evil of princes, is commonly a prelude to some attempt against them; it being found by experience, that the way to weaken and undermine their authority, is to blast their reputation. Many perhaps, who are instrumental in spreading scandalous reports of their governours, have no such wicked intention; but if they have not, they are certainly very serviceable to those that have; nor are they to be excus'd who listen and give credit to them. Such, tho' at present they are not active in carrying on any traiterous designs, yet give grounds to hope that they may be wrought upon, and in time made fit for purposes, to which, as yet they are, strangers. When once men have cast off all inward awe of their prince, and have given entertainment to an ill opinion of him; they are then very much exposed to the attacks of discontented and factious persons.

Before subjects credit evil reports of their prince, they ought to consider that it is the employment of many, to render him either contemptible or odious to his people: that to this end many false things are laid to his charge, his real defects and miscarriages are very much magnified; the ill success of his undertakings is charged upon his mismanagement, tho' perhaps no diligence nor vigilance, nor providence (so far as it is in man's power to provide against contingencies) was wanting on his part; and his very best designs, laid and conducted with the greatest wisdom, and perfected with all desireable success, are represented as prejudicial and pernicious to the common-weal. And they who can suffer their affections to be by those means alienated from their present soveraign, will not be long pleased with any: nor can any government be quiet, or secure, where these artifices are practised with success.

The authority of the supreme magistrate must of necessity be exercised by many subordinate officers: and to dishonour or disobey these, is, in effect, to dishonour and disobey him, by whose commission they act. And tho' it be for the interest of the publick, that they should account for wilful abuses of the power committed to them; yet all unreasonable clamours against them, are of dangerous consequence to the government, and do indeed threaten the soveraign himself, who may be mortally wounded thro' the sides of his ministers.

It has been before observed, that the laws of God, and of the land, are the measures of submission and obedience to the King. Wherefore no one ought, from what has been now said, to infer, that in limited monarchies, where part of the legislative authority is lodged in the body of the people, the subjects are obliged to obey any edicts of the prince not agreeble to the laws enacted by the whole legislature. In this case, since the power of the people is so far coordinate with that of the prince, that without them no new laws can be enacted, nor former laws abrogated; they may justly require to be governed by the laws made with their own consent, and by no other. And should this right of the people be set aside, and no redress obtained upon their humble petitions and representations; the prince must take to himself the blame, if they have recourse to other means absolutely necessary for the preservation of their constitution. On the other hand, it is incumbent on the people to see, that their grievances are real, and not pretended; that their complaints are founded not upon meer surmises and jealouses, but upon notorious facts; and that while they are asserting their own right, they do not invade that of their soveraign, nor make any thing matter of demand, but the restoring and securing to them what is their due, by laws already established.

Moreover, since God is the supreme Monarch of the universe, the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords; since his power alone is unlimited and irresistible; and by consequence, the primary and most proper object of men's fear; it is manifest, that no human laws whatsoever, can bind men to act contrary to the divine. Nothing can be more unreasonable, than to obey God's vice-gerent in opposition to God himself, and to suffer the fear of a less power, to prevail against the fear of a greater. The text teaches us, in the first place, to fear the Lord, and then the King. Should the King command not to fear the Lord, it is better to endure all that he can inflict, than to do what he commands? We are indeed commanded[B], to render to Cæsar the things that are Cæsars; but we cannot without impiety withhold from God the things that are Gods: that we may render to Cæsar more than is his due. The Apostles, when they were reprimanded by the high-priest for not obeying the charge given them by the Sanhedrim, to teach no more in the name of Jesus, answered plainly, that they [C]ought to obey God rather than man. And a disciple of St. John being brought before the magistrate for Christ's name sake, answered to the same purpose; "[D]We are taught to pay to the powers and authorities ordained of God, all due honour, excepting such only as would be hurtful to us." For to Christians, that honour and obedience must needs appear hurtful, which, tho' it may screen them from the displeasure of an earthly governour, who can kill the body only, will draw upon them the wrath of God, who can destroy both body and soul in hell.

[B] Matt. xxii. 21.

[C] Acts v. 29.

[D] Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 4. cap. 15.

But tho' the fear of God must, in case of competition, take place, before the fear of the King; yet ought it not to be made a pretence for refusing to render to the King the fear which is owing to him. The fear of God is so far from releasing subjects from their duty to their prince, that it is the surest ground of it, and the strongest motive to it. For since the King is the minister of God; they who do indeed fear God, will of course fear him who is in the place of God, and acts by authority derived from him. And whatsoever honour or service they are to yield to him, they will yield it heartily, not as to a man, but as to him whom he represents, the all-seeing and all-powerful God.

To such men human laws have a much stronger sanction, than the penalties annexed to the violation of them by the legislature. They are subject for fear, not only of the magistrates wrath, but of that everlasting punishment, which God will inflict upon all who will not submit to the powers ordained by him.

The firmest and most inviolable ingagement by which subjects can oblige themselves to be faithful to a government, is a solemn oath, which is render'd effectual to its end by the fear of God, who is therein invocated as a witness to the sincerity of the swearer's intention, and as the avenger of his perfidiousness should he break through so sacred a tye.

But to those who have no awe of this omniscient witness, no dread of this almighty avenger, no oaths will be binding any longer, than they are agreeable to their inclination. And it will be their inclination to do every thing with a view to worldly advantages. The ground and measure of their obedience to the prince, will be their secular interest; the variation of which will be apt to produce an answerable change in the conduct. For they will have no motive to loyalty left, when they may turn rebels with impunity, and be gainers by an alteration of governnment.

But the fear of God being always the same, is a very steady principle of loyalty. It secures the obedience of subjects in many cases, where the laws either do not reach them, or cannot be executed upon them; and keeps them true to the interest of their soveraign, when other considerations might induce them to betray or desert it. Even they who would persuade us that there is no such being as God, or if there be, that he observes not what passes here below, cannot but own that the fear of him is a principle very friendly to government, and of great use to dispose men to be peaceable and submissive to those who are in authority.

The more inexcusable were the actors in this days horrid tragedy, who made the fear of God the cloak of treason; and in direct contradiction to the precept of St. Peter, set themselves to resist [E]every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, turning faith into faction, and religion into rebellion: who under a specious pretext of reforming the Church, filled their native country with blood and desolation, trampled upon its laws, and triumphed in the ruin of its constitution: who fasted and prayed, not for the safety of the King, and all that were in authority, that under them they might lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty; but for strife and debate, and to stir up sedition and insurrection against those whom God had set over them: who, professing a mighty reverence for the divine majesty, rushed upon the most abominable perjuries; first of all violating the oaths which they had taken to the King and established government, by entring into illegal covenants and engagements, and illegally imposing them upon others; and then breaking loose from these also, when they were no longer for their turn: who, with a shew of more than ordinary sanctity and concern for the honour of God, practised all the diabolical arts of defamation and calumny against his image and representative; and not contented with slandering the foot-steps of the Lord's anointed, and blackening his character, deprived him of his royal dignity, barbarously insulted his sacred person, and at length imbrued their hands in the blood of a king, who was an illustrious example to his subjects of genuine piety and sobriety, and meekness and patience, and all other christian vertues: who lastly proceeded to this high pitch of disloyalty and impiety, when all grievances had been long ago redressed, and the King had passed such acts, as will be everlasting monuments of his fatherly affection and tenderness for his people; when he had to the great prejudice of his own interests granted several things, which his subjects could not with justice demand, nor ask with any degree of modesty; nay, when he had consented to part with the best and most considerable branches of his royal authority, and to leave to himself little more than the title of a King: in doing which, as he went beyond the example of his predecessors, so it is to be hoped he will never be followed by any of his successors.

[E] 1 Pet. ii. 13.

But tho' the fear of God was the pretended inducement to all these villanies; yet nothing can be more certain than that they are truly to be ascribed to the want of it. Wherefore none ought to cast of a principle absolutely necessary to the very being of government, meerly because the external profession of it has been abused to the worst Purposes by crafty and ill-designing men, who were destitute of the inward power of it. On the contrary, it is our duty not to let it rest upon the surface of our tongues, but to give it admittance into our breasts, and to implant it deeply in our hearts; and then it will not fail to bring forth the fruits of peaceableness and submission, of obedience and loyalty to the Government under which the merciful providence of almighty God hath placed us; and to restrain us from all seditious and traiterous practices, and from all approaches towards them. For they who would avoid any Crime, must be careful to avoid the steps that lead to it. For which reason the wise king to keep his son from engaging in designs against the State directs him not to meddle with Changers, or, according to our translation, with them that are given to change.

In which direction, it was not the intention of king Solomon, to condemn all changes in the laws and government of a kingdom. The supreme power, which in every independent State, is lodged somewhere or other, manifestly implies a power to make such alterations as shall from time to time be judg'd convenient and advantageous. And in the different circumstances of the publick affairs, some changes in the laws will be often necessary, or very expedient; and when they are made be sufficient authority, it is without controversy the duty of subjects to submit to them. And even private persons, when the present laws of their country are very inconvenient and prejudicial to the interests of the people, may lawfully desire an alteration of them, and may commendably endeavour to effect it in a legal manner, by making humble and dutiful application to those who are vested with the legislative power.

But they are changers in the bad sense of the word, who go about to change the laws and settled government of a nation, without the consent of those who have authority to do it; or who by illegal and violent methods endeavour to extort the consent of their governours to such terations as they shall propose; as by clamours and menaces and tumultuous assemblies; by forming secret conspiracies, or by openly bearing arms against their soveraign, and by entring into covenants, not to lay down their arms, till they have obtained their unjust demands. They too who by any kind of disloyal Behaviour, or seditious discourse, manifest their aversion to the established government, may with reason be suspected of being given to change; altho' it be not yet their avowed design to effect a change.

By forbidding us to meddle with them that are given to change, King Solomon would restrain us, not only from acting in concert with them, and assisting them in carrying on their mischievous designs; but also from engaging in friendship and familiarity, or any unnecessary correspondence with them.

It is no easy matter, to converse much with men of a factious and turbulent spirit, without being infected by them. The best way to preserve ourselves, both from their crime and their punishmenr, is to keep at a distance from them. And this I take to be the true meaning of the wise man's advice, in the xxii. Chapter of this book of Proverbs, at the 24th, and 25th verses, Make no friendship with an angry man, and with a furious man thou shalt not go. Lest thou learn his ways, and get a snare to thy soul. By often hearkening to the plausible discourses of seditious persons, utter'd with a seeming concern for the publick welfare, many come at length to approve of them, and highly to esteem those who make them, for their great understanding, and honesty, and disinterested zeal for the good of their country; and to believe that their governours are not so good as they ought to be, and that some changes for the better are both possible and needful. And they who have got thus far, will be too apt to be prevailed upon, to take some unlawful steps towards the reforming of supposed disorders, without imagining what purposes they are serving, and how far their leaders intend to carry them. And when men are once engaged, they themselves cannot tell where they shall stop. One wickedness may introduce them to another, till they become principal actors in the execution of designs, with which they could not have been safely trusted at their first setting out.

Put the case, that the main secret when revealed to them should displease them; yet after a considerable progress in unlawful courses, it will be very difficult for them to retreat. The shame of acknowledging themselves to have been in the wrong, the apprehension of being reproached for deserting their companions, and the fear of suffering punishment for having accompanied them so far, will be strong temptations to them to proceed farther against the bent of their own inclinations, and the convictions of their consciences.

Should they, notwithstanding these temptations to the contrary, resolve to be no longer directed by those who misled them; yet what they have already done, may have consequences fatal to the publick. By their assistance, the enemies of the government, may be grown strong enough to compass their ends, not only without their farther concurrence, but in spite of all the opposition they can make. And it will then be a mortifying consideration to reflect, that they have been accessory to villanies which they abhor, of which, however they must be content to bear the blame. The criminal assistance which they gave to men worse than themselves, will entitle them to a share in their guilt; and they will be in some measure answerable for the unforeseen consesequences of their unlawful practices.

And yet the best and honestest thing, which persons thus entangl'd can do, is to get rid of their bad company as soon as possible, to be sorry for what mischief they have already done, and to endeavour, by their future conduct, to make reparation for it. And the design of what has been now said, was not to discourage any from forbearing to meddle any longer with them that are given to change, but to persuade all who are as yet innocent, never to meddle with them at all, but industriously to avoid them; not to pass by their path, but to turn from them and pass away[F]. For they sleep not, except they have done mischief, and their sleep is taken away, unless they cause some to fall. Wherefore they cannot be too diligently guarded against, by those who would preserve themselves not only from guilt, but from trouble and perplexity and ignominy, and from that calamity and ruin, which (as we are informed by the verse following my text) shall come suddenly upon them that are given to change, and upon those who meddle with them.

[F] Prov. iv. 14, 15.

The unparallel'd treason committed on this day, and all the confusions and miseries preceding it, and consequent upon it, may justly be ascribed to the neglect of this most necessary caution. Indeed it can hardly be doubted, but that from the beginning of those unhappy troubles, or very soon after, there was a party of desperate men, who had in view the utter subversion of the establish'd government, and were resolved to stick at no villany that might conduce to the accomplishing their end. But their numbers in those early days, were much too small to bring about the change they aim'd at, or even to protect them from the just vengeance which the nation would certainly have taken upon them, had they then dar'd to own their intentions. Wherefore they found it necessary to cover their real designs, under the specious pretences of remeding abuses, and securing the liberties of the people, and rectifying what was amiss both in church and state.

By this artifice, multitudes of undiscerning and unwary people, were drawn into their assistance, and to a criminal union with them, and when these instruments of theirs had for a considerable time been accustomed to traduce the King and his ministers, exceedingly to aggravate the errors they had committed, and to charge them with odious designs, which they knew nothing of, to brand all who honestly adher'd to the King and the ancient constitution, with names and characters of reproach, and to terrify them not only by threatnings, but by outrages and tumults; when they had broken forth into open rebellion against their soveraign, and in contradiction to the lawful oaths, which they were under to him, had bound themselves by unlawful covenants and associations, not to rest till they had compelled him to comply with such alterations as they judged expedient; when they had laid wast their country, and shed much christian blood in their unjust quarrel, and had several times rejected the gracious overtures of peace made to them by the King, when by these means the breach between him and them was so widen'd, that it was hardly possible to compose it upon conditions safe and honourable to them both; when by long familiarity, with disloyalty and treason, the consciences of great numbers of men, were harden'd, and grown perfectly insensible; and when the enemies of the King had got into their hands the whole power of the nation, and his friends could no longer make head against them; then was it a proper time for the contrivers and directors of all this mischief, to discover to those who had been subservient to them their true designs against the person and government of the King. And doubtless there were many concurring and assisting to the monstrous wickedness, the punishment of which, we do this day deprecate, who, had it been propos'd to them some years before, would have been struck with horror at the mention of it, and who could no otherwise have been made capable of committing it, than by being artfully trailed on, step by step, from the meddling with them that are given to change, to the becoming such themselves, from one perjury to another perjury, and from less treasons to greater.

It is true too, that many who had been active, both in kindling and prosecuting the war, were startl'd at the unprecedented proceedings against the person of the King, and publickly express'd their dislike of them. But fruitless protestations were but pitiful compensations for the successful services they had done to his murtherers, whom they had continued to assist and strengthen, till it was to no purpose to make opposition to them. It was then out of their power to undo the mischiefs which they had been the authors of, or to hinder others from making a farther use of them, than they themselves had intended. Thus were they unawares made instrumental to the shedding the innocent and sacred blood of their soveraign; the guilt of which horrible deed must be imputed not only to those who were immediately concerned in it, and consenting to it, but in a lower degree to those also, who made way for it, by the unwarrantable practices, which have been already mentioned.

The greater reason have we, brethren, to be exceeding careful not to tread in their steps, lest we also fall in like manner as they fell. Their miscarriages are our admonitions, and we shall be more inexcusable than they, if instead of taking warning by them, we follow their example.

I am sensible it will be said, That we do imitate them, at the same time that we blame them; that the prayers which we have now offered for the averting the divine wrath due to the sin of this day, and for the safety and prosperity of our present gracious soveraign, are a contradiction to one another; and that the late revolution was a return to the principles of those who were concerned in the great rebellion. And there are two sorts of men, who, tho' opposite enough to each other, will be apt to concur in making this objection: the one with a design to justify the murther of the Royal Martyr, or at least the measures which prepared the way for it; the other with an intention to condemn the happy revolution, upon which our present settlement is founded.

Now, to what hath been already observed, with a view to this objection, I need only to add, That these two cases, which some would fain have us believe to be nearly alike, are widely different.

It is well known, That the rebellion against King Charles the first was begun, when all grievances (which in his reign were far from amounting to a total subversion of the constitution) had been fully redressed and repaired. And it was the declared resolution of those who engaged in it, not to defend, but to change the laws and settled form of government, and to encroach upon the just rights of their soveraign; who laboured indefatigably to maintain the established laws and government; who by the laws, to which he had without compulsion consented, had given sufficient proof, that he was as willing to secure his peoples rights as his own; and who was so far from affecting power, that did not belong to him, that his greatest weakness was, that he did not hold fast the rains of government in his hands, but parted with his authority too easily, and made too large concessions to those who were not disposed to make him suitable returns. When the rebels had got the mastery, they then actually compleated a far greater change, than they had at first professed to desire. A high court of justice was erected for the judging and condemning the King himself as a criminal; the whole royal family were excluded from succeeding to the crown; and kingly government itself was declared against and abolished, and several illegal forms of government were one after another set up in the room of it.

But in the reign of the late King James, no redress of grievances, no opportunity of redressing them in a parliamentary way, could be obtained. Instead of being removed they were justified by pretending, that the King had a power to dispense with the laws at pleasure. And it was very visible that the King and his ministers governed by this pernicious and tyrannical maxim. Now this was plainly a subversion of the constitution, by changing the government from limited to absolute, from legal to arbitrary. When the power of the people prevailed, they made it very evident, that the motive to the measures they had then taken was necessity, and not the being given to change. No remedy was so much as sought for against the person of the King. No prejudice was manifested against the illustrious family, which had long swayed the scepter of these kingdoms: but all possible regard was shewn to it. The King himself had render'd the setting of the crown upon a person who now pretends to it impracticable; tho' the nation had been ever so well satisfied concerning his birth. But it was immediately settled upon the King's undoubted issue then in the kingdom, and upon a grandson of the Royal Martyr; and afterwards, in default of the issue from them, upon the next branch of the royal family professing the Protestant Religion; with whom alone our constitution could with any prospect of security be entrusted. Nor was there any invasion of the royal prerogative; but the same government in church and state was chearfully submitted to by the people; as on the other hand the liberties of the people were faithfully defended by the crown. In short, of two changes, one of which was at that time unavoidable, the nation preferred the less to the greater, and that which was safe and advantageous to that which would have been very disadvantageous and destructive.

Which things considered, no man should offer to draw a parallel betwixt the late Revolution and the great rebellion, till he is able to demonstrate, That there is no difference between the doing no manner of hurt to the person of the King, and the executing him publickly as a malefactor; between the settling the crown upon his undoubted issue, and excluding the whole royal family from it without any other necessity than what arose from the guilt of those who excluded them; between the peoples asserting their own undoubted rights, and their invading the undoubted rights of their soveraign; between insisting upon the regular observation and execution of the established laws, and fighting for an alteration of them; between preserving the ancient constitution and utterly overthrowing it from the foundations; or in other words, between just and unjust; between right and wrong.

Wherefore, Brethren, let us stop our ears against those, whose doctrines open a door to disobedience and rebellion against lawful authority; and no less against those also who would insinuate that our present governours have no claim to the submission, which they acknowledge to be due to lawful magistrates. The powers which now are, are ordained of God; and ordained in mercy to us, for the security of our lives and properties and liberties, and of what we ought to value above all the rest, our most holy Religion. And heavy will be the condemnation of those, who shall refuse to submit to him who is the minister of God to them for good.

Let us therefore, laying aside all pride and contentions, all jealousies and discontents, set our selves to perform what we know to be our duty to him who is vested with the authority of God: not with eye-service as men-pleasers, not with murmurings as of necessity, but in singleness of heart and with a ready mind, as in the sight of God, as having his fear before our eyes, and remembring that he will bring us to a strict account not only for the sins committed immediately against himself, but for every offence against his substitute, who by him reigns and decrees justice.

If we dread not the penalties of human laws; yet let us revere the ordinance of God. Let us consider by whom we have sworn; and let destruction from him be a terror to us. If there be any who dare bid defiance to that; let us mark such and turn away from them. Let us not be so weak as to imagine that they can have any real concern for religion, or the interest of their country, who can prevail with themselves, or would prevail with others, to violate the oath of God. We cannot surely be at a loss to conclude, what kind of spirits have taken possession of those men, who are not to be bound, no not with chains; who break in sunder the strongest bonds of government, and cast away its cords from them.

Let our behaviour be suitable to our professions on this solemn day of humiliation. If we do indeed detest the crimes of those cruel and unreasonable men who gave occasion for the observance of it; if we would not for the world be the authors of such dreadful calamities as they by a long train of wickedness brought upon their nation; if we are sincere in imploring the mercy of God, that he would not visit their guilt upon us or our posterity: let us take heed that we do not fill up the measure of their iniquities by a repetition of them: let us not cherish the seeds which are apt to produce such bitter and deadly fruits: let us not enter upon courses, which, for ought we know, may end in the crimes we detest.

To conclude, let us not separate what God hath joyned together, religion and loyalty, the fear of God and of the King. Let us esteem loyalty as a necessary part of Religion, and assure ourselves that we are doing God acceptable service while we are serving his representative. Let loyalty to the King mingle itself with our most solemn acts of divine worship. In our thanksgivings let us devoutly acknowledge the many blessings we enjoy under his Government: and in return let us by our prayers draw down the choicest blessings of heaven upon him; most earnestly beseeching the Almighty to enrich him plenteously with grace here, and crown him with everlasting glory hereafter; to prolong his life in health and wealth, and to perpetuate his seed as the days of heaven; to guide him with his spirit of councel, and to strengthen him with his mighty arm, for the establishment of truth, and the maintenance of justice, both at home and abroad; to hide him in time of danger under the covert of his wings, and to shield him with his strong salvation; that the conspiracies formed against him may not prosper, and the devices of wicked men may be turned backwards and light upon their own heads; that all the people may hear and fear to do wickedly, and the crown may flourish upon the head of the Lord's Anointed.

FINIS.

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Table of Contents

- The Religious and Loyal Subject's Duty considered, with regard to the present Government and the Revolution.

- Prov. xxiv. 21. My son, fear thou the Lord, and the King: and meddle not with them that are given to change.

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE